Monday, 6 October 2025

Zanu PF changed the presidential term from 5 to 6 then from 6 back to 5 years. Now they are at it yet again, tinkering! W Mukori.

As debate intensifies over how President Emmerson Mnangagwa could remain in power or politically relevant until 2030, political commentator Professor Jonathan Moyo has reignited controversy by arguing that Zanu-PF could lawfully extend the president's current term without a referendum.


According to Prof Moyo, the Constitution allows Parliament to amend the length of a presidential term - currently set at five years under Section 95(2)(b) - through a two-thirds majority vote, without triggering the referendum required for altering term-limit provisions. He argues that the law distinguishes between "term limits" (how many terms a president may serve) and "term lengths" (how long each term lasts).


"The term-limit clause, Section 91 (2), restricts the number of terms a person may hold office. But the duration of a term under Section 95 (2)(b) can be varied by Parliament alone," Moyo wrote on X (formerly Twitter), citing Section 328 (5) of the Constitution.


He said critics such as opposition senator David Coltart were "confusing two different provisions" of the Constitution. Coltart had earlier contended that extending Mnangagwa's current term would require two national referendums under Sections 328 (6)–(9), as any move that "extends" a president's time in office falls under protected term-limit clauses.


"The wording of Section 328(7) is critical," Coltart wrote. "Even if another term isn't sought - just an extension of a few years - any such amendment would still require two referenda where it involves an incumbent. It's disingenuous to suggest that Zanu-PF's 2024 resolution to extend Mnangagwa's term can lawfully bypass this process."


Prof Moyo, however, cited the 2021 Constitutional Court ruling in *Marx Mupungu v Minister of Justice*, which clarified that term-limit provisions concern the number of terms one may serve, not their duration. "The five-year presidential term is inherently flexible," Moyo said. "It ‘extends until' events like resignation, removal, or dissolution of Parliament. The sole constitutional cap on an officeholder lies in Section 91(2)'s two-term limit, which would remain untouched.”


He added that if Parliament amended Section 95 (2)(b) to make presidential terms seven years, President Mnangagwa could remain in office until 2030 - aligning with Zanu-PF's "Vision 2030" agenda - without any referendum. "It would simply recalibrate the duration of the term through a two-thirds vote in both Houses," Moyo said, noting that other countries such as Guinea and Ireland already operate seven-year presidential terms.


However, political analyst Mxolisi Ncube described the interpretation as "a test of constitutional loopholes" designed to entrench power. "If Zanu-PF's resolution passes, the president could stay longer without a public vote, as long as the two-term cap isn't breached," he said. "Any such amendment should undergo broad public consultation."


Meanwhile, constitutional scholar Dr Justice Mavedzenge outlined a different scenario that could still extend Mnangagwa's political influence beyond 2028 - even without amending the Constitution. Speaking during CITE's "This Morning Asakhe" X Space, Dr Mavedzenge said the president could resign before completing three years of his term, triggering Sections 100 and 101, which allow a vice president to act as president until Zanu-PF nominates a successor.


"The Constitution says a full term is anything above three years. If Mnangagwa resigns before that mark, it wouldn't count as a full term, meaning he could run again," Mavedzenge explained. He said such a manoeuvre, though politically risky, could allow Mnangagwa to return to office later and still remain within constitutional bounds.


He also noted emerging political developments, including efforts to "reconfigure" the vice presidency, which might signal preparations for such a strategy. "When you look at moves to bring in figures like Kuda Tagwirei and growing tensions around Vice President Chiwenga, it seems part of a broader reconstitution of the presidency," he said.


Dr Mavedzenge warned that Zimbabwe's constitutional safeguards are fragile due to weak democratic institutions. "A good constitution must be backed by an independent judiciary, a vibrant civil society, and a strong opposition," he said. "Without this infrastructure, constitutionalism becomes meaningless."


As the debate continues, analysts agree that whether through legal amendment or political manoeuvre, the question of Mnangagwa's tenure could become one of the defining constitutional battles ahead of Zimbabwe's 2028 elections.




Zanu PF changed the presidential term from 5 years to 6 years. When Mugabe was fearful his MPs would not campaign for him, he had the parliamentary and presidential elections at the same time under the pretext of “harmonised” elections. So now the the regime is seeking to separate them again because it suits them! 


This tinkering with the constitution has nothing to do with the good of Zimbabwe but everything to do with consolidating power for selfish reasons at all cost.

Sunday, 5 October 2025

IMF "expose" Zanu PF fiddling national finances - ravenous pot-bellied father breast-feeding whilst kwashiorkor baby looks on. W Mukori

 An International Monetary Fund (IMF) assessment has raised concerns over Zimbabwe's fiscal transparency, revealing that the country may have understated its total public debt by approximately US$2 billion in 2024. The revelation comes after the IMF conducted a Staff Monitored Programme (SMP) assessment, which also flagged discrepancies in Zimbabwe's external debt reporting.


While the Ministry of Finance had reported Zimbabwe's public debt at US$21 billion in May 2024 during the African Development Bank's annual meetings, the IMF's 2025 Article IV Consultation Report estimates it at US$23.3 billion, with external debt alone potentially understated by about US$4.5 billion.


According to the IMF, total public and publicly guaranteed debt stood at US$23.3 billion, equivalent to 72.9% of GDP by the end of 2024. The external debt stock was US$16.7 billion (52.5% of GDP), with arrears to official creditors estimated at US$7.4 billion (23.2% of GDP). Zimbabwe also accumulated arrears to external commercial creditors amounting to US$47.4 million and suspended some domestic debt obligations totalling US$425 million in 2025.


The Fund warned that current policies were insufficient to restore debt sustainability. It recommended a combination of fiscal consolidation, strengthened public debt management, growth-promoting structural reforms, and resolution of external arrears to pave the way for renewed financing from multilateral and bilateral creditors.


This is not the first time Zimbabwe's official financial statistics have been questioned. Discrepancies have previously emerged in inflation reporting, notably during the country's hyperinflation crisis from 2007 to 2008, when official Consumer Price Index (CPI) figures sharply diverged from independent estimates.


The IMF also highlighted the Structured Dialogue Platform (SDP) as a framework for Zimbabwe's engagement with creditors, focusing on economic, political-governance, and land reform issues. Progress under the SDP has been uneven, with bilateral Paris Club creditors demanding advances on all three pillars before further engagement.


Zimbabwe is seeking debt relief and bridge financing of US$2.6 billion through the SDP's Arrears Clearance and Debt Resolution Process. Discussions with commercial creditors regarding debt moratoria have also begun. The IMF emphasised the need to reconcile Zimbabwe's debt and establish clear restructuring parameters, noting potential limitations under the G20 Common Framework and the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative.


Despite the challenges, Zimbabwean authorities reportedly agree with the IMF's unsustainable debt assessment and remain committed to the reengagement process. They have taken initial steps, such as making payments to farmers under bilateral investment agreements, and plan to launch a fourth SDP pillar focusing on debt resolution.


Zimbabwe's situation mirrors debt distress seen elsewhere in Southern Africa. Mozambique, Zambia, Malawi, and Angola have all grappled with high debt burdens, hidden loans, and default risks, highlighting the region-wide challenge of managing fiscal sustainability amid constrained financing options.


The IMF's findings underscore the urgency for Zimbabwe to implement a robust debt resolution strategy and improve transparency to restore credibility with international creditors and secure long-term economic stability.”


This has to be the equivalent of the father caught breast feeding whilst the kwashiorkor baby looks on! Mnangagwa has been spending billions of dollars every year on travel, cars and other luxuries to buy votes and blind loyalty of those around him at the expense of the basic needs such as education and health care, supply of water and electricity and the maintenance of basic infrastructure such as roads. 


“The IMF also highlighted the Structured Dialogue Platform (SDP) as a framework for Zimbabwe's engagement with creditors, focusing on economic, political-governance, and land reform issues. Progress under the SDP has been uneven, with bilateral Paris Club creditors demanding advances on all three pillars before further engagement.”  This is stating the obvious!


The real stumbling block here is political-governance. Zimbabwe is a pariah state governed by corrupt, incompetent and murderous Zanu PF thugs who have rigged elections for 45 years and counting to deny ordinary Zimbabweans a meaningful say in the governance of the country. 


It must be said the nation has had many opportunities to implement the democratic reforms and thus end the Zanu PF dictatorship, the best coming during the 2008 to 2013 GNU, MDC/CCC leaders have wasted them all. Mugabe bribed Morgan Tsvangirai and his banded mongoose MDC fiends with the trappings of high office and they forgot about implementing the reforms.


Ever since the GNU debacle, MDC/CCC leaders have conned their brain dead followers to participate in flawed elections to give Zanu PF legitimacy and perpetuate the nation’s suffering for the same reason they failed to implement even one token reform during the GNU - GREED. 


The people of Zimbabwe have risked all to elect MDC/CCC leaders into power on the understanding they would implement the democratic reforms to end the Zanu PF dictatorship. During the GNU Mugabe convinced Tsvangirai & co. that they were all full members of Zimbabwe’s ruling elite and he saw to it that the MDC leaders were given all the trapping of high office Mugabe had, until then, reserved for the Zanu PF ruling elite. Why would Tsvangirai & co. want to implement the democratic reforms and end the ruling elite club when they are now members. 


“Mazivanhu eMDC adzidza kudya anyerere!” (MDC leaders have learned to enjoy the gravy train good life, they will never rock the boat!) boasted Zanu PF cronies during the GNU, when asked why MDC leaders were not implementing the democratic reforms. 


Morgan Tsvangirai and many of his MDC fiends were really shocked by Zanu PF 2013 elections landslide victory. They knew that with no meaningful reform implemented Zanu PF would rig the elections but not to the extend of throwing out so many MDC leaders off the gravy train, after all they were members of Zimbabwe’s ruling elite, or so they thought. 


Mugabe was smart enough to allow a few opposition leaders win gravy train seats to maintain the facade that Zimbabwe was still a healthy multi-party state. This was a very strategic move because it has keep the masses who have been clamouring for political change hopeful they will have the change “tomorrow”!


Tsvangirai and now Chamisa and his MDC/CCC banded mongoose have retained their political support regardless of their treasonous betrayal on implementing reforms by telling their followers they have devised strategies for winning rigged elections. They have told one hen’s teeth lie after another and again and again their followers have believed the lies! 


And so political-governance has remained the elusive mirage, tomorrow always a day away, because Zanu PF will never reform itself out of power. MDC/CCC wasted the golden opportunity to implement the reforms during the GNU and now they are Zanu PF team B and have settled for the scraps like jackals at a lion kill. 


The people themselves are blind to the reality MDC/CCC leaders are running with the povo hare and hunting with the Zanu PF hounds even in the face of the opposition having failed to implement even one token reform in 25 years! An ignorant, naive and gullible electorate is a curse to the nation; the people hold the key to end the curse of rigged elections and bad governance - they do not even know they have the key much less how to use it!